Airline Competition 1980-2010 R.I.P.
Part 2 : Rebuttal of arguments in
favor of bigger/merged airlines
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United Airlines has
sometimes been one of the country's - and world's - largest
carriers.
But being big in no way
means that United has been more successful than any smaller
airline.
Part of a series on airline
competition - see extra articles listed in the right hand
column. |
The consolidation of airlines
into fewer, but larger, airlines, and a few overarching airline
'alliances' that are mega-airlines in all but name are justified
in the name of larger size equating to greater efficiency,
better service, greater profit and lower fares.
Some of these claims are hard
to evaluate and substantiate, either before or after a merger.
Although the US Department of
Transportation regrettably has never subjected any such claims
to a post-merger analysis to see if claims offered in favor of
merging proved to be correct, we look at a few claims that
can be analyzed, and find no grounds to support the
claims used to justify the steady loss of airline competition.
Are Big and Dominant Airlines Good
or Bad
Does it really matter if
airlines are big or small? Aren't big airlines better for
the traveling public, because they offer more routes to more
places, more ways to earn and redeem frequent flier miles, and
everything else? Don't economies of scale in a large
airline make for more efficient operations and lower fares?
These are the types of
claims offered by airlines when seeking anti-trust exemption to
merge their operations or work together.
But are they true?
Big Airlines Offer More Routes
to More Places
Yes, it is undeniably true
that a bigger airline flies to more places, but so what?
Does it really matter if you fly on Brand X or Brand Y (or any
other) airline each time you fly somewhere?
One possible benefit to this
would be a commercial one, for companies and their corporate
travel departments. Perhaps they could negotiate better deals with
fewer airlines by offering to place all their business with just
one airline.
But - this ability to
negotiate a 'better deal' only applies if the big airline truly
competes with other airlines. Otherwise, if it is a
dominant airline, the big airline
doesn't have to negotiate any deals at all. It can say 'We
know you have no choice but to fly us between here and this
other place, and so if you don't give us your business on other
routes where you do have choices, we won't give you any deal on
this route'.
This is not just conjecture
- as any corporate travel manager well knows, it is a commonly
used ploy by airlines, choosing to use their size and route
dominance on some routes as a lever to get extra business from
companies on routes where they're not so dominant.
The flip side of big
airlines is unavoidably fewer airlines, and so the negotiating
power, when there are fewer airlines, actually moves to favor
the airlines rather than the travelers.
Competitive route analysis
overlooks the real world
This real world scenario
also makes a mockery of traditional competitive analyses of air
routes.
Sure, some routes may seem truly open and
competitive, but the effective competition on that route is
diminished by airlines using their strong positions on other
routes as bargaining levers to give them extra advantage on
competitive routes (as well as the obvious advantage it gives
them on noncompetitive routes).
This 'hidden' linkage
between competitive and uncompetitive routes does not show up in
some route analysis, but is truly a factor when negotiating
airline contracts. An airline with a dominant role on one
route will use its strength as a lever when negotiating a
contract that includes both its dominant routes and routes that,
on the face of it, appear to have a more level playing field.
The airlines own your travel
information - and use it against you
The airlines have and use
computer tools to analyze buying patterns that allow them to see
who are booking and buying their tickets on which routes, and use this
information to enforce market-share agreements.
Did you know that the
information on every ticket you buy - who you are, where you are
traveling, on which airline, when, and on what class of service
- is not considered private personal information belonging to
you, but is deemed to be information belonging to the airlines which they can and
do trade amongst themselves - it is called Marketing Information
Data Transfer or MIDT data.
Here's a
good article that contrasts what the airlines say about
their use of MIDT and what the real world has experienced.
Our conclusion - this first
reason why big airlines are good is an illusion, not a reality.
The reality is that big airlines can use their size to dictate
terms to travelers, not vice versa, and not just on routes where
the dominate, but across the board.
This conclusion, by
the way, although at odds with what the airlines wish us to
accept, is entirely consistent with traditional economic and
marketing theory.
Big Airlines Give Better
Frequent Flier Programs and Rewards
The second reason offered to
support the claim that bigger airlines are good (for us) is that
it enables us personally/individually to concentrate our flying
on one particular carrier and to also concentrate our frequent
flier miles, earning us an elite level status, courtesy
upgrades, priority wait lists, free luggage checking, better
free seat assignments, and so on.
Sure, all these benefits are
very real, and large airlines allow us to concentrate our flying
and allow the most frequent fliers to stand out more noticeably
than would be the case if our flying was fragmented among 10 or
even 20 smaller carriers. So for the people who do achieve
elite level frequent flier status, there are definitely benefits
to be enjoyed.
Ignoring the question of
underlying fairness, whereby one flier gets better treatment
than another, even though they both paid the same fare - well,
actually, let's not fall into the trap, as most people do, of
ignoring that question. Who do you think it is who
subsidizes the elite small percentage of frequent fliers who get
all those benefits? Nothing is free, everything has to
come from somewhere. Either the airline, or the airline's
other passengers, are in effect supporting and subsidizing the
free benefits and preferential treatment of an elite few.
In the new paradigm of
'unbundling' where every airline service is now charged rather
than included in the base ticket price, the most notable
remaining bundled benefits are those given to frequent fliers.
The airlines want to have their cake and eat it too - they tell
us it is fair and proper that 'the user pays' for luggage, for
meals, and for everything else, but then they contradict
themselves and extend preferential free benefits to frequent
fliers.
The commercial truth has to
be, just as with other benefits now unbundled, that the people not
receiving the benefits are subsidizing the people who are
enjoying the benefits. Perhaps the reason we pay $25 to
check a piece of luggage rather than $20 is so some passengers
can check their luggage for free. The reason we have to
pay good money to get upgraded to first class is so the airline
can afford to give free first class upgrades to some other
passengers.
The reason you have to wait
a long time for your bags at the carousel is because the
frequent flier's priority bags are coming off first.
Or, if you prefer, take
another viewpoint on the matter - maybe the real source of
payments for frequent flier benefits comes from the frequent
fliers themselves. In their most truthful
moments, most frequent fliers will confess they have spent
hundreds, even
thousands of dollars unnecessarily, every year, by flying their preferred
airline rather than some other carrier, just so they can enjoy
the 'free benefits' of their elite level frequent flier program,
and so they can accumulate enough miles each year to retain
their elite level status for the next year.
If a frequent flier is
confronted with the choice of two flights, with similar
departure/arrival times, the first of which is on his preferred
airline and is available for $250, and the second of which is on
an airline he has no status with, and costs $230, which do you
think he'll choose? Almost every frequent flier will
choose to pay the $250 price.
What say the price
differential widens from $20 to $30? To $40? And so
on? How much price premium will an elite frequent flier
pay to maintain his high status and to enjoy the 'free' benefits
of it (especially if it is his company, not himself, who pays
the added cost)? So, are these 'free' benefits really free?
Some frequent fliers have
adopted a different approach to this difficult question.
They ask not to be told about alternatives on other airlines at
all, perhaps on the basis that ignorance is bliss.
Oh - and what about the
frequent flier miles we all accumulate when we fly? What
are they worth? That question is a bit like asking 'how
high is up' but whatever the answer is, the uncontrovertible
fact is that miles are worth a lot less now than they formerly
were, because these days more miles are required to earn the same
awards as before, and in addition to miles, airlines are
frequently adding fees to redeem them - fees which sometimes
meet or exceed the actual cost of a regular ticket on sale!
So are frequent flier
benefits really of any value at all? Or are they a clever
marketing illusion?
Lastly, if frequent flier
benefits are real, why are they exclusively the purview of the
biggest airlines? Could not smaller airlines cross-credit
their customers for miles earned on each other? Of course
they could - this practice used to be quite common, and the same
for the related practice of allowing reciprocal redemption
rights too.
Maybe completely independent
companies could also create and manage frequent flier type
programs (as is already evolving with airlines selling off their
frequent flier operations) - an an open competitive marketplace,
there would presumably be a free market for such independent
third party companies to buy, trade and sell miles.
In some other countries,
third parties already administer huge loyalty programs with
airline participation as part of their program.
So frequent flier benefits
are, at best, a seductive option full of hidden and high costs,
and at worst, an unfair construct that penalizes most passengers
in return for giving preferential treatment to a select few.
Big Airlines Offer Economies of
Scale
Part of the underlying
American business ethos is that bigger is usually better than
smaller, with the concept of 'better' denoting greater
efficiencies, and therefore, either (or both of) greater profits
and/or lower prices.
But this is demonstrably not
the case with airlines. Airlines show their costs
in standard measures of cents per available seat mile flown, and
these costs typically range somewhere from about 8¢/mile up to
slightly less than 20¢ a mile.
The good news is there is a
huge spread in costs from the lowest cost-base airlines to the
highest cost-base airlines, so any differences based on size
should be obvious, not subtle.
Here's a table (source)
of airline costs per available seat mile for the third quarter
of 2009 :
Airline operating costs
(cents/available seat mile)
July - Sept 2009
Airline |
Cost |
Major Network Airlines |
US Airways |
15.0 |
Delta |
14.2 |
American |
13.9 |
United |
13.4 |
Northwest |
13.1 |
Continental |
12.8 |
Alaska |
11.7 |
Seven carrier total |
13.7 |
Low
Cost Carriers |
Southwest |
10.7 |
Frontier |
9.9 |
JetBlue |
9.4 |
AirTran |
9.1 |
Virgin
America |
8.6 |
Allegiant |
8.3 |
Spirit |
7.9 |
Seven
carrier total |
9.9 |
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From this table, we can see
that the smallest major network airline (Alaska Airlines) has
the lowest operating cost of the seven major network carriers
(the opposite of the claim that bigger is better), whereas the
largest of the low cost carriers (Southwest Airlines) has the
highest operating cost of the seven so-called 'low-cost'
carriers (again the opposite of the claim).
Here's an interesting chart
that plots billions of miles flown in Q3 of 2009 against the
cents/mile operating cost (source
Bureau of Transportation Statistics) of the 14 carriers above,
and adds a 'line of best fit'.
The 'bigger is better'
concept suggests this line should slope from the top left to the
bottom right - in other words, highest miles flown should have
lowest costs, while lowest miles flown should have highest
costs.
But, as you can clearly see
from the raw data and the Excel calculated line of best fit, the
slope is exactly the opposite. Smaller airlines are more
efficient, with lower costs, than bigger airlines.
It is true this summary
data embodies a lot of hidden variables. For example, it isn't strictly
accurate to compare one airline's results, with lots of short
flights, with another airline's results that feature long haul
international flights. But, even accepting the approximate
and simplified nature of these numbers, it is clear that the
only
correlation between an airline's size and its operating costs is - and quite the opposite of
what the airlines claim - smaller airlines have lower costs than larger
airlines.
This is because
most of an airline's costs are tied in to the operating costs of
each plane and each flight. The fact that an airline
operates one plane or one thousand planes; ten flights or ten
thousand flights a day, doesn't really matter much, because the
costs per flight are largely unchanging - primarily airplane
ownership/operating costs, fuel, and labor.
Yes, there are some slight
savings - a bigger airline might be able to negotiate a lower
price to buy the plane in the first place, and might be able to
get a slightly better price on jet fuel, but offsetting these
advantages, smaller airlines tend to have more productive staff
who do more work for less money,
giving the smaller airline much lower labor costs.
In other words, it is
management and work patterns, not size, that is most significant
in determining an airline's underlying costs. Small
airlines, not big airlines, have the lowest operating costs.
This is a vital point to
accept. Bigger airlines do not demonstrate any economy of
scale at all. On the basis of this data, if lower costs
lead to lower fares (an unproven assumption), we should be
breaking airlines up, not allowing them to merge and combine.
Mergers Lower Costs
An oft repeated trope by
airlines seeking anti-trust exemptions is that if they can work
together, they'll lower their costs.
Well, we've already cast
enormous doubt on the claim that larger sized airlines have
lower operating costs, as shown in the table above.
But what about the 'if we
can work together' part of the claim. Look back up at the
table again, and in particular, look at the highest cost airline
of all 14 airlines listed - US Airways. With an operating
cost of 15.0¢/mile, its costs are 10% over the average of
the major carriers, and 28% higher than the lowest costed of the
major carriers. Its costs are also nearly twice as high as
those of the lowest of the low cost carriers.
This is significant because
US Airways is the most recently merged of the major carriers,
being the merged result of what was formerly America West plus
the former US Airways (merged in 2005). Clearly its merger
has not given it any industry advantage at all from a cost point
of view.
Looked at from the lens of
mergers reducing the operating costs, the most recent
example completely contradicts that claim.
Lowered Costs Make for Lower
Fares
The second half of the claim
airlines make when seeking anti-trust exemption is that when
they lower their costs, that will lead to lower fares.
On the face of it, this is a
ridiculous claim to make, because airlines are not charities,
and neither do they operate on a 'cost plus' basis. They
are for profit commercial entities, and they charge the most
they believe they can for every ticket they sell. If their
costs drop, that does not mean they will lower the price of
their tickets; it merely means they'll make more profit (or less
loss).
But the airlines continue to
offer this justification to support anti-trust exemption
requests, and the Department of Transportation continues to
accept it.
Let's have another look at
the table above, but this time add two more columns. We'll
place a revenue column next to the cost column, and then an
analysis column that shows what percentage of costs the revenue
figure is. The data comes from the same
source.
If the airlines are to be
believed, the lower their costs, the lower their fares will be :
Airline operating costs and
revenue (cents/available seat mile)
July - Sept 2009
Airline |
Cost |
Revenue |
Percent |
Major Network Airlines |
US Airways |
15.0 |
15.0 |
100.0 |
Delta |
14.2 |
14.4 |
101.4 |
American |
13.9 |
13.3 |
95.7 |
United |
13.4 |
13.8 |
103.0 |
Northwest |
13.1 |
14.0 |
106.9 |
Continental |
12.8 |
13.0 |
101.6 |
Alaska |
11.7 |
12.8 |
109.4 |
Seven carrier total |
13.7 |
13.9 |
101.5 |
Low Cost Carriers |
Southwest |
10.7 |
10.7 |
100.0 |
Frontier |
9.9 |
11.0 |
111.1 |
JetBlue |
9.4 |
10.2 |
108.5 |
AirTran |
9.1 |
9.7 |
106.6 |
Virgin
America |
8.6 |
8.9 |
103.5 |
Allegiant |
8.3 |
9.7 |
116.9 |
Spirit |
7.9 |
9.2 |
116.5 |
Seven
carrier total |
9.9 |
10.4 |
105.1 |
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The average network carrier
makes 0.2¢ a mile as profit, but three of the four of the lowest
costed network carriers make considerably more than this, while the
higher costed airlines make the same or considerably less.
Somewhat similarly, the two
low cost carriers with the lowest costs are making the biggest
profits, and with the exception of Southwest, all the low cost
carriers are making many times the profit levels of the major
airlines.
Do you see any pattern here?
No, you probably don't, because it is hard to see any linkage at
all between costs and income, other than to note that the lower
cost airlines tend to make higher profits, which is quite the
opposite of the suggestion that lower costs will see a
proportional lowering of fares.
Let's throw these numbers
into another chart and ask Excel to add another 'line of best
fit' to see if Excel can compute any linkage between income and
profit, and to see if a visual representation makes things
clearer.
In theory, you'd expect to
see an upward sloping line. You'd normally expect that the
higher the gross revenue in cents per mile, the higher the
profit (in cents per mile). But - look. Again, the
line slope is exactly the opposite. Incredibly, airlines
that earn less per mile in revenue still manage to make a bigger
profit than airlines which earn more per mile.
One could - tongue firmly in
cheek - argue from these figures that higher cost airlines
actually provide better value to the traveling public than lower
cost airlines. But that's the sort of nonsense statement
you're more likely to hear from an airline than on this website.
Again, as with the cost
figures, the income figures have a number of underlying
variables driving them. This table and comparison is a
simplification, but even the simplified data starkly suggests a
disconnect between operating costs and operating income, and
supports the contention that operating income is market based,
not cost based.
This range of different
figures tells us that airline costs are unrelated to airline
size - it is all about airline management, not airline size.
And airline incomes are also nothing to do with airline costs -
they are opportunistically derived based on airlines charging
what they feel to be the highest fares possible, whether those
fares result in loses (ie American), a struggle to barely break
even (ie US Airways and Southwest) or way above industry profits
(ie Spirit and Allegiant).
In other words, larger and
merged airlines are neither likely to lower their costs or their
fares.
So - Are Bigger Airlines
Better?
Ummm - if you're still
asking that question, perhaps you should reread this article!
Now that we've shown there are no clear benefits associated with airlines growing in
size, let's move on to the next part of this article series and
see if there are any negative attributes associated with the
aviation marketplace reducing from many small independent
airlines to fewer and larger airlines.
Part of a series on airline competition
- please see extra articles listed at the top in
the right hand column
Related Articles, etc
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Originally published
5 Mar 2010, last update
30 May 2021
You may freely reproduce or distribute this article for noncommercial purposes as long as you give credit to me as original writer.
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